Nike Promotions Essay

After looking at Nike’s marketing strategy with respect to product, price, place and promotion, the outstanding success of the brand name calls for more attention to Nike’s promotional strategies. Nike’s promotions and advertisements have been deemed the best in the retail industry. The â€Å"Just Do It† slogan is supposedly one of the most famous and easily recognized slogans in advertising history. It would be safe to claim that brand management is easily one of Nike’s core capabilities. With the company’s advertising budget today reaching $2.4 billion, it is worth looking into Nike’s advertising strategies and how these strategies helped strengthen the brand image. 1980-1988: Early Advertising Before television advertisements, Nike released several successful print ads. One of its earliest print ad campaigns was the â€Å"There is no finish line† campaign by John Brown and Partners. The posters were an instant hit, since, it did not focus on the running shoe product, but instead on the person wearing the shoes. At this early stage, Nike saw the lucrative value in sports sponsorships. The company began sponsoring track and field athletes like Carl Lewis. With lucky breaks, Nike signed some bigger names in the athletic world like Wayne Gretzy and, probably the most important sponsorship signing in Nike history, Michael Jordan. 1988: The JUST DO IT Campaign This campaign was probably Nike’s most known and successful. In 1988, Nike worked with ad agency Wieden and Kennedy to create the slogan Just Do It. The company used this campaign to cash in on the jogging/fitness craze of the 80s. Top competitor Reebok was sweeping the aerobics race so Nike responded with Just Do It ads that practically shamed people into exercising, and more importantly, to exercise in Nikes. The Just Do It ads truly embodied the philosophy of grit, determination and passion to encourage consumers to embrace the culture of fitness rather than focus on the product. The Just Do It campaigns were also successful because of their celebrity features including Bo Jackson, John McEnroe, and Michael Jordan. These famous athletes reassured the quality of the Nike product and gave Nike a â€Å"hip† brand image. These ads were basically turning sweaty, pain-ridden exercise into something sexy and exciting. And lastly, the Just Do It ads were usually humorous, thus connecting to consumers on a level that made them comfortable and feeling positive about the brand. 2000-2005 Using its cooperations with various ad agencies, Nike released several popular and well-received TV commercials. In fact, the company received two Emmy awards for best commercial twice. The first was for â€Å"The Morning After,† which featured a runner on his morning jog on January 1, 2000, facing the chaos of the Y2K predictions. The commercial really connected to consumer emotions, as speculations of the new millennium were the conversation buzz around that time. The second Emmy was for a Nike commercial called â€Å"Move† that featured many famous and regular athletes performing a serious of athletic pursuits in a creative â€Å"pass it on† way. Starting in 2005, Nike released another successful ad campaign that were targeted at athletic woman. The ad focused on women’s Thunder Thighs and Big Butts, encouraging them to embrace their athletic body parts and shapes. This was yet another successful way Nike connected to the consumer on a personal level, as we all know that women tend to care about their self images. 2005 to Present Having built up an empire of a brand, Nike continued to focus on celebrity endorsements. Nike took famous athletes in a variety of sports to feature them in ads. LeBron James from basketball, Tom Brady from football, Ronaldhino from soccer, Roger Federer from tennis and Tiger Woods from golf, just to name a few. Using the A-list, top-notch names in the athletic world really helped tip Nike over into the â€Å"elite† brand division. At this point, Nike is reaching its peak in sales and in brand image. Having reached this peak, Nike is now changing up the promotion game and branching out to the digital world. With a 40% decrease in print and TV advertising, Nike is now trying to stray away from superstars. Now that Nike as perfected the art of branding, it is moving on to a world where consumers want to be told less. In 2010, Nike launched its new marketing division called Nike Digital Sport. This digital focus on sports conceived the Nike+ platform, which is a marriage of Apple and Nike technologies that allows people to track their athletic performance. It is also a platform that allows Nike to virtually have personal conversations with its consumers and, subtly study its consumer’s behavioural patterns. Overall, it seems like Nike is always in tune with consumer preferences and addresses them through strategic and well-executed advertising tactics. It is no surprise that the Nike brand is one of the most well recognized in the world.

Italian Unification between 1815-1848 Essay

To what extent is it true to say that there was absolutely no movement or prospect of Italian Unification between 1815-1848? Between the years 1818 and 1848 there were many revolutions in Italy starting in the year 1821. The statement above states ‘absolutely no movement or prospect,’ therefore I strongly disagree with this due to the fact that there must have been some movement to achieve what Italy were finally able to. The following essay will give different points on the statement. In my opinion, I do not agree with the statement, one main reason being there were enough people in Italy that wanted it to be unified and that fought for what they believed in. For example the secret societies. During the times Italy was under the ruling of Metternich, many secret societies were formed, with passwords, mutual protection and sometimes even semi-religious rituals. The Carbonari, the most well known society and so consequently the most important. There were approximately 60,000 members involved, and it was particularly active in South Italy, especially in Naples. There aims were relatively mild, in Piedmont and Naples for example they hoped to establish a constitutional monarchy. It is already possible to see that there was some movement in Italy from secret societies that were hoping for Italian Unification. Another reason I disagree with the statement is due to Italy being under the ruling of Metternich. Although it was difficult living under the Austrians, and they were clearly putting an obstacle in the way of unification, I believe that it was actually a large contribution to the happening of unification. For example, due to Metternich trying to belittle the country by separating it into small constituencies, it made the Italian public want to fight back, and therefore as a consequence start revolutions. Three major revolutions occurred in Italy in the years, 1820-21, 1831-32, 1848-49. I believe this proves that things were being done to help unification rather than there being ‘absolutely no movement’. Additionally there is Giuseppe Mazzini, who is said to be a key figure in the history of Italian Unification. Mazzini was born in 1805, he had one overriding aim being ‘the brotherhood of people’. He believed in the equality of human beings and of races. In 1831, Mazzini founded ‘Young Italy’, this being Italy’s first real political party. Mazzini described the party as, ‘a brotherhood of Italians who believe in a law of†¦freemen and equals.’ Those in the party had to swear to commit themselves to make Italy ‘one free, independent, republican nation.’ Mazzini’s ideas were incredibly radical for that period of time, for example, his ideal was that the people should rise up agains their oppressors, there should be unification ‘from below.’ Eventually there was unification however it came more from above. Yet Mazzini proves once again that there was movement and prospect towards Italian unification, Young Italy being another example. Although Mazzini may not have been successful at that precise moment, we can now see that unification was actually reached. Linking to my previous point, it has been proven that Mazzini was not only famous for his radical beliefs but also for converting people to the cause. This point firstly proves that some movement was being made in the form of attracting people to the challenge that was Italian unification, but furthermore, proves further movement in the fact that there must have been an incredible number of supporters that were in favour of unification, and therefore plans must have been made to try and succeed. Finally, by seeing that Italian Unification was attained eventually, we can ultimately say that there must have been enough movement and enough prospect for the aim to be successful. For these reasons, i disagree with the statement ‘To what extent is it true to say that there was absolutely no movement or prospect of Italian Unification between 1815-1848?’ On the other hand, there are many events from this period of time that may agree with the statement previously specified. For example, after the French revolution, Metternich reinstated the previous monarchs of each constituency. Most of the monarchs were reactionary and therefore there was a large obstacle blocking the path to unification. Being such a large predicament, one can assume that there was ‘absolutely no movement.’ In addition, the lack of progress that went into uniting the country through language may have been seen as lacking and therefore lead ones opinions to believe once again no progress was being made. Furthermore, even with the countless revolutions that were attempted not one succeeded permanently. So, although this particular example goes against there being absolutely no movement, due to the fact there was clearly movement in the form of revolutions, it does agree however with there being no prospect of unification, seeing as every individual revolution from each specific country failed inevitably. This was in consequence of the Austrians suppressing the revolutions and then re inviting the previous leaders to come and transform the constituence to the way it had previously been. Following this, it is now possible to appreciate the separation between the North and South of Italy. The Northern half containing the wealthier half of the population, whilst the Southern half being populated with the poorer families. Due to this large partition, it is hard to see any prospect in Italian Unification and therefore one can easily agree with the statement above. In relation to the previous point is the division of the Apennine Mountains. In those times, the Apennine Mountains were practically the back bone of Italy, until it was partitioned into North-East and South-West by Metternich. It is understood that without a back bone, a body would be unable to stand, hence the fact that without the Apennine Mountains it would be incredibly challenging for the population of Italy to achieve the prospect of unification. Overall, one can see that there are many justifications for both sides of this argument. Although from this essay it seems the statement is in fact true, I strongly disagree. Understanding that there may be proof to support the statement, at the end of the day Italian Unification was achieved, and therefore it is impossible to say that there was ‘absolutely no movement’ because the aim was fulfilled and therefore some movement must have taken place. In conclusion, I disagree with the statement ‘to what extent is it true to say that there was absolutely no movement or prospect of Italian Unification between 1815-1848’ because this declaration clearly states that there was ‘absolutely no movement’ towards Italian Unification between those years, yet unification was completed, thus whether there was a lot of movement, or in some case a little, there was undoubtedly more than none, and for this reason I forcefully disagree with the statement.

International management Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words - 1

International management - Essay Example Though The global financial crisis battered many European businesses, Bernard Arnault, the manager of LMVH, believes that his company will not suffer much in the long run, but will, on the contrary, continue growing in emerging markets; particularly China, India and Russia. This means the manager has faith in his strategy and, indeed, investing into further growth instead of cutting budgets in times of a financial crisis will provide the company with an advantage of getting new sources of income. LVMH’s management seems to understand the continuous need for development. As a result, the company will not lose its existing market share because of cost cuts (Pacek & Thorniley, 2007, p. 11). Arnault is setting realistic goals to achieve sustainable growth in the upcoming years. Working internationally Furthermore, intention to work in the emerging markets of China, India and Russia is very logical considering that in the emerging markets LVMH’s products will be filling larg e existing voids and, in addition, the company will have fewer competitors than in the developed markets (Miller, 1998, p. 148). So an emerging market is always a good environment for company’s success. Nevertheless, LVMH will face a number of challenges and risks entering the new markets. Among them are differences between cultures, political uncertainty, and currency exchange risks. As for all the other aspects, risks of domestic firms are basically similar to those of multinational ones and, hence, a decision of the company not to operate overseas may be caused only by these two mentioned above factors. At the same time, a multinational company, despite larger number of risks, has more advantages in comparison with a domestic one. The reason for it is the fact that while, exposed to some risks, the domestic office is working on the development of new profitable managing strategies, foreign subdivisions of the company are working and getting profits. At the same time a pure ly domestic company puts all its resources for solving the current problem and has no additional income. Nevertheless, a new business abroad will be exposed to a greater number of potential risks than a home-country one. Any multinational company is exposed to risks such as change of foreign currency exchange rate, commodity prices and interest rates because it denominates its transactions in foreign currencies. That’s why there is also some uncertainty in future earnings, liabilities and assets values. Therefore, before taking a decision on the country of entry, a profound analysis of its current political and economical situation is to be performed. Setting and implementing objectives One more important thing to consider is that there is always a possibility of risk influencing company’s strategic planning and strategy. Therefore, objectives should be flexible enough in order for the company to be able to adjust them to particular circumstances in case market environ ment or other factors influencing company’s operations change. Besides, not only management, but each separate employee of the company should be aware of such objectives, strategies and special programs in order to understand his/her particular part in their achievement better, and feel free to initiate actions aimed at their achievement. Every employee should have clear responsibilities and duties in this or that project in order for everyone to know and understand one’

What actions might be taken by the government of your Uk to reduce or Essay

What actions might be taken by the government of your Uk to reduce or limit price fluctuations of oil - Essay Example The U.K. together with other many other countries have suffered from the fluctuation of oil prices in the international market as OPEC manipulates the prices (Keohane 1984). The fluctuation of petroleum prices in the U.K. is mainly affected by the fluctuation of crude oil prices in the international market which in turn is affected by the levels of supply relative to the expected and actual demand for the commodity. In this respect, the U.K. can control price fluctuations by mainly playing around with the demand and supply of the commodity and reducing overall dependence on oil (U.S. Department of Energy 2015; Yan 2012) as will be discussed in the following sections. There are a number of measures that the U.K. government can take to limit or reduce the fluctuation of oil prices which grossly affects the nation’s economy. One way through which the a country can reduce the fluctuation of oil prices is by taking measures to reduce the consumption of petroleum (Ji and Song 2009). By ensuring the production of machines and equipment that are more fuel efficient, for example, the U.K. would end up with a lower demand for oil. Furthermore, the demand for oil can be reduced by asking nationals or making legislations to ensure that the consumption of oil by households, businesses, and industry reduce. Yet another means through which the U.K. government can control oil price fluctuations is by increasing the supply of oil. When the supply of oil in the country is increased and the demand for the commodity is held relatively constant, the price of the commodity will tend to reduce and stabilize at some point, holding other factors constant. This being the case, the U.K. can opt to drill more oil wells, somehow increase the output of its fields, or reduce its oil exports to other countries. Closely related to altering the demand for a commodity is using substitutes. There are several substitutes that can be

Immigration reform Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Immigration reform - Term Paper Example While these countries have immigration policies, they have often grappled with challenges brought about by the immigration. The main immigration problem that they have been facing relates to illegal immigration where the immigrants fail to follow the proper channels for immigration (Allport 19). The United States has been experiencing the problem of illegal immigration for many years as immigrants attempt or actually enter the country illegally through the border between the United States and Mexico, or entering the country legally but overstay their visas. It is against this background that the United States Reform debate is particularly targeting the challenge of between 12 and 20 million illegal immigrants within its borders (Stolz 21). The debate about immigration reform in the United States has been revolving around how to address the challenge of illegal immigration. While the focus of the debate is the same, the approach that is proposed by various individuals and groups diffe r in a number of ways. There have been different positions over the debate and how the reforms should be packaged (Hinojosa-Ojeda 178). A closer look at different positions point out to the fact that all the positions have taken either side of these two positions: on one side, there are individuals and groups who are focused mainly on the enforcement, while on the other side are those who are pro-amnesty. My position is that amnesty should be granted to the illegal immigrants, but efforts should be enhanced to prevent illegal immigration in the future. This position is informed by the view that this is the most practical solution to the problem of illegal immigration and considers all the aspects of the complex issue of immigration (Newton 41). This paper will be approached through comparative approach and analysis where various theories and perspectives will be analyzed in respect to this topic. After comparative analysis, solutions to this problem will be proposed. Comparative and Analysis One of the main theories that have been used in the immigration reform debate is social contract theory. This theory holds that the state has authority over its citizens and any other individual within its borders. It further argues that since individuals have consented to surrender certain freedoms to the state in exchange for protection of the remaining rights, they ought to submit to the state’s laws and policies. Those who use this theory in the debate believe that enforcement is vital in the immigration report and that the government should use its authority to regulate immigration and prevent illegal immigration (Allport 77). Classical liberalism theory has also been used by various individuals and groups in the debate about immigration reform. This theory advocates limited government and individual rights under the constitution and rule of law. The theory stresses minimal government and economic freedom. Those who subscribes to this theory are of the view tha t illegal immigrants should be granted amnesty (Muwonge 24). This view is informed by the argument of classical liberalism theory that emphasizes protection and guaranteeing of individual rights. While it is true that these individuals violated the law and were not procedural while entering into the United States, those who subscribe to this theory argue that their rights should be protected and they should be allowed to pursue

Malcom x Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Malcom x - Essay Example â€Å"He was interviewed on major television programs and by magazines, and spoke across the country at various universities and other forums. His power was in his words, which so vividly described the plight of blacks and incriminated whites† (ibid.). The racism of the Nation of Islam prevented Malcolm from accepting any help from whites as sincere and capable. Therefore, Malcolm X kept on preaching for 12 years that â€Å"the white man was the devil and the Honorable Elijah Muhammad was God’s Messenger (ibid.). Although unfortunate—but important—â€Å"most images of Malcolm today focus on this period of his life, although the transformation he was about to undergo would give him a completely different, and more important, message for the American people† (ibid.). Due to internal jealousy and the discovery of Elijah Muhammad’s sexual immorality, Malcolm X left the Nation of Islam on March 12, 1964. During his reflections prior to his leavin g, Malcolm X met Dr. Mahmoud Youssef Shawarbi who, upon parting said something very significant to Malcolm X – an Islamic Perspective has organized all events of any consequence in Malcolm X’s life in chronological order, taking the reader through his 12 years of preaching while with the Nation of Islam to his pilgrimage of Mecca where he began to reappraise the white man and to conclude that â€Å"America needs to understand Islam because this is the one religion that erases from its society the race problem† (ibid.). Consequently, Malcolm saw a new vision for America and began writing letters to his loyal assistants asking to have them duplicated and sent to the press. They contained the message of the â€Å"Oneness of man under one God† (ibid.). Malcolm said that he now knew that generalizations against white people is as wrong as generalizations against blacks. This new universalistic view was, however, too dangerous to last. El-Hajj Malik knew that he

Form of prose for photography projects Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Form of prose for photography projects - Essay Example The interpreter basic objective is to find the actual intentions especially in the case of Scripture to know the truth and establish the meaning of the work during the author’s times. Exegesis is written on religious Scripture like the New Testament. In short, exegesis is an inquiry into the meaning of historical facts written in scriptures. Exegesis includes the two aspects of what the author said and why the author said during that time. Hence, exegesis deals with the intention of a written piece of work. Exegesis is also written to know about the primary reader’s response to a historical writing. Thus the interpretation includes the argument of the primary writer’s and reader’s perspective to a literature or scripture. A report is a collection of information put together in a pre-determined format. The information is identified, investigated and reported on the basis of happenings in an organisation or from an investigation. Reports may give rise to fut ure events. The objective of a report is to create awareness in the reader about a particular event or happening. There are three main aspects to a report. They are pre-determined format, independent parts and the unbiased conclusion. Report is different from essays because report includes several headings and sub-heading that convey each event or outcome of an event. Reports usually include numerical representation of an event. A report does not give much freedom to the writer because the report should follow the format.

Responses to DQ1Selling ReceivableDW and DQ2 Use of Depreciation CH Essay

Responses to DQ1Selling ReceivableDW and DQ2 Use of Depreciation CH - Essay Example The mechanism of factoring is a good way for companies to improve their liquidity and cash position. DQ2 Your premise that depreciation is a technique that is used to devalue an asset instead of being a method for asset valuation is completely correct. When I first read the message of the president of Keene Company I thought, â€Å"Where did this guy go to business school†. The premise the person stated is illogical. The person is mixing accounting concepts. Depreciation only has one purpose which is to devalue an asset through the passage of time. As you stated in your response book value and market values are different. There are different methods of depreciation that can be used by an accountant. Four depreciation methods are declining balance, sum of year digits, straight line, and the modified accelerated cost recovery system (MACRS) (Fixedassetssoftware, 2011). The MACRS method is an accelerated depreciation method that is used of assets that lose value fast such as comp uters. References Besley, S., Brigham, E. (2000). Essentials of Managerial Finance (12th ed.). Fort Worth: The Dryden Press. Fixedassetssoftware.com (2011). Depreciation Methods. Paragon Systems.

Discuss the military campaigns and battles of Zachary Taylor in the Essay

Discuss the military campaigns and battles of Zachary Taylor in the Mexican War. How would you rate him as a commander What impact did the war have on Taylors career - Essay Example The Assault on Monterrey and Battle of Buena Vista are the other two military campaigns and battles by Taylor where he recorded notable success against the enemies. In the former, he was able to make Monterrey fall to American forces, and in the later battle, he oversaw the Mexicans withdrawing and essentially bringing to an end the northern Mexico fighting (Millett, Peter and William 206). I would rate Zachary Taylor as an accomplished and able commander. This view is informed by the fact that he was able to commandeer American forces during the Mexican War and ensured America’s victory in the War with the forces suffering fewer casualties compared to the enemy (Millett, Peter and William 231). Ultimately, after suffering enormous losses, Mexicans withdrew and the fighting in the northern Mexico ended. The war had significant impact on Taylor’s career; his victory enhanced his national reputation. After seeing the end to the conflict, he ventured into politics and easily defeated his main rival Lewis Cass in the 1848 presidential election (Roberts

History †MapQuest Chapters Essay Example for Free

History – MapQuest Chapters Essay WebQuest Chapter 19: The Pullman Strike 1. ) George Pullman explained that the benefits of having his workers living in his company town was that he believed that the surroundings would remove the workers from the â€Å"Feeling of discontent† which â€Å"Characterized the American Workman†. This would protect his company from the economic loss that the discontented worker would suffer if he was living under bad conditions. He also took the rent that was due directly out of the paychecks of his employees. 2. ) The readings do not state a dollar amount for the hourly wage. The Parable of Pullman states that the workers wages were close to subsistence level. The amount of the pay cut averaged 25% 3. ) Eugene Deb was a Locomotive Fireman. It was under him that the American Railway Union was organized in June of 1893. He was the president of the ARU. It was a single organization that represented all types of railroad employees. In August of 1893 they had had success over the Great Northern Railway in a wage cut dispute. The Pullman workers also joined the ARU. When they went on strike in May of 1894, the ARU supported the strike and it became a nationwide strike between railroads and the American Railway Union. After the strike was broken by federal intervention, Debs was jailed for six months for his role in the strike,, specifically for violating a federal injunction and interfering with the mail. 4. ) The strike ended because the ARU members had refused to work any train that had Pullman’s cars included in it. The companies purposefully attached Pullman cars to mail trains. This caused the mail to be delayed. The result was the Federal Government issuing an injunction and President Cleveland sending Federal troops to enforce it, in order to stop the mail delay. A â€Å"yellow dog† contract is a contract that a worker signs promising not to join a labor union while he is an employee of the company who holds the contract. 5. ) The appellants had been refused employment, had no viable way to leave the Town of Pullman, and their families were starving. Instead of employing these individuals, Pullman had brought in substitute workers. Governor Altgeld wrote Pullman a letter basically stating that he should bear some responsibility for the plight of those in his town. He also stated that he was going to conduct a personal investigation. He made good on his word for the investigation. 6. ) The investigations found that the letter of complaint was indeed valid. There were 1600 families that were without the basic necessities of life, such as food. The investigators also found that there were 600 new workers but 1600 old workers that were still unemployed. HISTORY PAGE 2 of 3 7. ) Pullman blamed the workers for their plight, stating that if they had not gone on strike, they would not be suffering. WebQuest Chapter 20: The Triangle Shirtwaist Fire 1. ) The workforce was mainly made up of young immigrant women. There were also men employed, and boys as elevator attendants. There were other boys and girls present during the fire. 2. ) There were a total of 146 people who died in the fire. Most of these were young women. The readings do not break out the deaths by gender. There were also men and boys who died in the fire. About a third jumped from the ledges to avoid burning to death. The rest died of burns, some at their sewing machines. 3. ) The exit doors on the ninth floor were locked, ostensibly to prevent employee theft. The one fire exit that was available was inadequate for the number of workers. The conditions existed because fire inspections and precautions were inadequate. The workers feared that if they spoke out about the conditions, that they would lose their job. Economics also played a role in why the conditions were not corrected. 4. ) The citizens of New York, from every physical and economic part of the City, demanded justice. Workers offered testimony and support. There were protests in the streets. They demanded a safer work environment. 5. ) The unions became strong after this tragedy. Many workers saw the benefit in having an organization speak on their behalf. The other legacy is the building codes and worker safety legislation that was passed after the fire. WebQuest Chapter 22: The Platt Amendment 1. ) The Platt Amendment was attached to the Cuban Constitution. The Cuban Government, with reluctance, included the amendment in their constitution. The United States was already occupying Cuba. The United States was not going to relinquish any control without the amendment in place. 2. ) The Platt Amendment was drafted by Secretary of War Elihu Root, and presented by Senator Orville Platt. It was attached as a rider to the Army Appropriations Bill of 1901. The intent was to protect Cuba from foreign intervention and allow the United States to exercise authority in Cuba if the situation warranted it. It was passed by the Senate HISTORY PAGE 3 of 3 3. ) The Platt Amendment barred Cuba from going into debt, making treaties with other nations that gave those nations any power over Cuban affairs, or stopping the US from creating a sanitation system. It restricted Cuban Sovereignty by giving the United States broad latitude of power over the domestic and foreign relations of Cuba. 4. ) The Platt Amendment was used by the United States as an excuse for intervention in Cuba in 1906, 1912, 1917, and 1920. The Platt Amendment was also used for the creation of the base at Guantanamo Bay. 5. ) The Cubans were reluctant to attach it to their Constitution. They feared rampant US intervention. Widespread criticism of the amendment and rising nationalism in Cuba resulted in President Franklin Roosevelt’s repeal of the Amendment in 1934, except for the lease of Guantanamo Bay. 6. ) Whereas the Platt Amendment specifically provided causes for the intervention in Cuba by the United States, the Teller Amendment stated that the United States disclaims sovereign claims to Cuba, and will leave control of the island to the Cubans, and will not claim jurisdiction. The two documents are in sharp contrast to one another.

Definition Of What Good And Evil Are Philosophy Essay

Definition Of What Good And Evil Are Philosophy Essay Hsun Tzu rejected the idea that humans had a natural inclination towards goodness. People were born with an evil mind and if the mind was to be properly trained, only then may it lead to goodness. He believed that all humans are bad by nature but he did not disagree with the fact that personal experiences and interactions could help to cure the evil mind and embody human goodness. For example, he believed that babies were evil because as soon as they are born they do not know any better. They do not know the difference between right and wrong. If a baby were to pull its mothers hair, it would not be considered a wrongful action. What humans define evil is the ideal evil of society. Doing something that makes somebody else uncomfortable or unhappy is considered a wrongful action, but whether or not it is, is a different story all together. Society has taught us that babies do not know the difference between right and wrong, therefore even if the action is considered wrong to a grown p erson, there is no way the baby knows what he or she is doing. Until you live life and are able to experience and interact with others, your mind is set to neutral. If a baby has not been taught the difference between right and wrong, regardless of what people who have been taught the difference believe, there is no possible way the babys actions are bad. Although Hsun Tzu believed this way, Mencius believed the complete opposite. Mencius believes that people are born good, and that it is the evil situations/surrounding that people are placed in that cause them to act evil. When discussing the Yi, it is referring to the way one values them self. As soon as a person falls under their own standards as a person, they are a disgrace to themselves as well as to everyone else. Keeping this in mind, because he believes that everyone is born with a good mind, they only way to destroy that is yourself. Regardless of the experiences that life throws at you, its up to you to make sure you do not fall victim to the negative aspects that could alter your non-evil mind. A very important aspect to consider is that of societies view on good and evil. Without knowing what is considered truly evil or good, no one can judge others or even themselves for that matter. Ones actions are judged by all, and if society has outlined something such as killing to be wrong, then the actions of a killer are evil. Usually when someone commit s a crime, they had to have thought about it first, so its safe to say that thoughts are just as evil as actions. The constant repeating of ones evil actions are also considered wrong or immoral. No one wakes up one day and decides to do something wrong unless they have gone through the experience of seeing someone else doing it or being taught it first hand. Therefore, once you are lucky enough to be given to opportunity to make a suitable life for yourself, it is up to what information humans attain to decide what type of person they turn out to be; good or bad. Platos idea of universal goodness and evil however are quite different from the views of both Mencius and Hsun Tzu. According to Plato, people are representations of things on earth and therefore people are born without being ultimately good or evil. It is impossible for a person to be truly evil, because humans only represent the ideal evil. Nobody truly knows what evil is. Evil is what is taught to us through the personal experiences we encounter throughout our life. It is also learnt through what is taught to us by teachers as well as other people. If someone is considered to be a good person, then it only takes one wrongful act to turn him or her evil, or so we have been taught. According to Aristotles Law of Non-Contradiction that states that something cannot be said to be and not be at the same time illustrates that man is good, and if man is good then he is not evil, concluding that good are evil are two opposite things. Nobody is perfect, so it is impossible to say that somebody can be truly good or evil. What everybody knows for sure is that what people view to be good and or evil actions differs from human to human. If there is no universal census or conclusion on what makes a person truly good or evil then it outlines that there is not just one answer as to what people are thinking of when first born. Everybody is born with a neutral mindset and without the experiences that life has to offer, regardless of whether it turns humans into good or bad people, it is what is taught to you in life that defines people as individuals. This concludes that without the knowledge of living life to the fullest, nobody can be considered good or evil because we are all born with neutral minds. Thee definition of what makes a person truly good or evil is impossible to prove as it differs between different societies as well as over time. No one can be considered truly good or evil, as it is only a state of mind placed on a person in a given experience from his or her daily life. Without the experience of being able to interact with others, it is impossible to consider someone good or evil. It because our nature it is because our nature has taught us to be both good and bad that there is no tangible evidence to prove that one overpowers the other to create the ultimate good or evil person. Furthermore, no one person can be born good or evil as it is against our biological make-up to be evil in the first place. People are born neutral and then learn how to define ones self through personal experiences and interactions. GOOD VS. EVIL ESSAY By: Alexee Simon Date Submitted: April 2nd 2010 Submitted to: Dr. Brown Course Code: HZT4U1

Elements of The Lord of the Rings in Final Fantasy VIII Essay -- Lord

Elements of The Lord of the Rings in Final Fantasy VIII      Ã‚  Ã‚   J.R.R. Tolkien's The Lord of the Rings trilogy is arguably the most influential work of fantasy literature in modern times. Its epic tale of good against evil and its surreal world of magical and unusual characters and places have captured and enchanted readers since its publication half a century ago. The story of the struggle to destroy the One Ring still influences numerous tales of adventure in literature, film, and role-playing games. Since the advent of role-playing video games, the Final Fantasy series has endured in a genre where many other games seem to blend together. It marks a standard in the world of role-playing games in much the same way The Lord of the Rings marks a standard in fantasy literature. This essay shall examine these two epic adventures and show some of the ways in which Final Fantasy VIII draws upon elements from The Lord of the Rings.    At the center of Tolkien's The Lord of the Rings is the basic struggle between good and evil, manifested through the battle over the One Ring. The story draws upon traditional Christian theology and ideas about good and evil, right and wrong. Goodness in The Lord of the Rings is represented by selflessness and an interest in the good of all, with a willingness to give of oneself for the good of the whole. However, the border between good and evil is not always clear, and characters are not necessarily completely good or completely evil. Selfishness, greed, and hunger for individual power are destructive forces for evil within individual characters, and characters must use their own moral compass to choose whether to strive for good or give in to the temptation of evil. Even... ...Merry and Pippin or Zell Dincht. Perhaps it is the vulnerability in characters like Frodo Baggins or Squall Leonheart; seemingly 'regular guys' who are thrust into extraordinary situations and who persevere for the forces of good in the world. Regardless, both The Lord of the Rings and the Final Fantasy series are works that have managed to grow beyond the narrow bounds of their genre, and both will likely remain influential standards by which other works are judged.    WORKS CITED Final Fantasy VIII. SquareSoft/Electronic Arts. 1999. Final Fantasy: Worlds Apart. Final Fantasy VIII home page. Tolkein, J.R.R. The Fellowship of the Ring. New York: Ballantine Books, 1954. ---. The Return of the King. New York: Ballantine Books, 1955. ---. The Two Towers. New York: Ballantine Books, 1954.   

The Republican Party Essay examples -- Papers Government Politics Essa

The Republican Party The Republican party is one of the two major POLITICAL PARTIES in the United States, the other being the DEMOCRATIC PARTY party. It is popularly known as the GOP, from its earlier nickname Grand Old Party. From the time it ran its first PRESIDENTIAL candidate, John C. Fremont, in 1856, until the inauguration of Republican George BUSH in 1989, Republican presidents occupied the WHITE HOUSE for 80 years. Traditionally, Republican strength came primarily from New England and the Midwest. After World War II, however, it greatly increased in the Sunbelt states and the West. Generally speaking, after World War I the Republican party became the more conservative of the two major parties, with its support coming from the upper middle class and from the corporate, financial, and farming interests. It has taken political stances generally in favor of laissez- faire, free enterprise, and fiscal responsibility (at least until 1981) and against the welfare state. The Founding of the Party Scholars agree that the origins of the party grew out of the sectional conflicts regarding the expansion of slavery into the new Western territories. The stimulus for political realignment was provided by the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854. That law repealed earlier compromises that had excluded slavery from the territories. The passage of this act served as the unifying agent for abolitionists and split the Democrats and the WHIG party. "Anti-Nebraska" protest meetings spread rapidly through the country. Two such meetings were held in Ripon, Wis., on Feb. 28 and Mar. 20, 1854, and were attended by a group of abolitionist FREE SOILERS, Democrats, and Whigs. They decided to call themselves Republicans--because they p... ...en George Bush won the presidency by a large margin. President Bush's approval rating reached an impressive 89 percent in 1991 after the international coalition he forged against Iraq achieved victory in the Persian Gulf War. However, a recession that began in 1990, combined with the electorate's growing concern with domestic issues in the aftermath of the Cold War and public impatience with "gridlock" in the government, counted against him in his reelection bid. Led by Bill CLINTON, the Democrats in 1992 captured the presidency (with 370 ELECTORAL votes to Bush's 168) and solid majorities in both houses of Congress. In 1994, having blocked Clinton's legislative agenda and mounted an aggressive counterattack in that year's mid-term election campaign, Republicans seized control of both houses of Congress. Bibliography: American Encyclopedia on line

Othello First Impression Essay Essay

Our first impression of Othello comes from a conversation between Iago, Roderigo, and Brabantio. Our second impression of him comes from Othello himself. The first two impressions conflict greatly, the second being more accurate than the first. Despite the way Othello is described in the first scene, he shows himself to be quite different in the second. Our first impression of Othello comes from a conversation between Iago, Roderigo, and Brabantio. Iago speaks of Othello with contempt. From the very first scene, he seems to be a hated character. Without even mentioning Othello’s name, the three men paint a picture of him as a scheming criminal who has stolen and raped Brabantio’s daughter. In calling Othello names like â€Å"an old black ram† (1.1.97), â€Å"the devil† (1.1.100), and â€Å"a Barbary horse† (1.1.125), Iago depicts Othello as evil and dirty. Brabantio announces that he would rather that Desdemona was with Roderigo than the Moor, when he says, â€Å"O, would you had had her!† (1.1.198). From this first scene, the audience gets a very negative impression of Othello–one that differs greatly from the second impression. In the second scene, when we actually meet Othello, we see that he is not at all like how he was portrayed in the first scene. He is an honorable and honest man. When Iago tries to warn him of Brabantio’s anger, he refuses to go into hiding, saying, â€Å"Let him do his spite. My services which I have done†¦ shall out-tongue his complaints†¦ I must be found. My parts, my title, and my perfect soul shall manifest me rightly† (1.2.20-37). Othello is confident in his actions and refuses to run away like a coward, having done nothing wrong. Then, when Othello’s men meet up with Brabantio’s men, Othello’s wise words prevent a bloody conflict. He says â€Å"you shall more command with years than with your weapons†¦Hold your hands†¦Were it my cue to fight, I should have known it without a prompter† (1.2.78-104). Obviously, from Othello’s smart words and logical actions, he is not the man that Iago, Roderigo and Brabantio m ade him seem to be. In conclusion, our first impression of Othello is inaccurate and inconsistent  with our second impression, which actually comes from Othello himself. The first time we meet Othello, we learn that the description of him, in the first scene, was biased, racist, and incorrect. All in all, our second impression of Othello is much more true to his actual character.

Rethinking Anthropology – E. R. Leach

RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS MONOGRAPHS ON SOCLL ANTHROPOLOGY Managing Editor: Anthony For^e The Monographs in on Social Anthropology were established modem The by 1940 and aim to publish results of anthropological research of primary interest to specialists. continuation of the series was made possible from the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, and more recently by a further grant from the Governors of the London a grant in aid School of Economics and Political Science. re under the direction of an Board associated with the Department of Anthropology of the London School of Economics and Political Science. Editorial The Monographs LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS MONOGRAPHS ON SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY No. 22 Rethinking Anthropology by E. R. LEACH UNIVERSITY OF LONDON THE ATHLONE PRESS NEW YORK: HUMANITIES PRESS INC Published by THE ATHLONE PRESS UNIVERSITY OF LONDON at 2 Gotcer Street, Distributed by Tiptree London wci Book Services Ltd Tiptree, Essex F irst edition, 1961 First paperback edition with corrections, 1966 Reprinted, 1968, 1971 E. R. Leach, 1961, 1971 U. K. U. K. sB N o 485 19522 4 cloth sB N B o 485 19622 o paperback U. S. A. s N 391 00146 9 paperback First printed in 1961 by ROBERT CUNNINGHAM AND SONS LTD ALVA Reprinted by photo-litho by JOHN DICKENS & CO LTD NORTHAMPTON 4- M75†² Preface The title of this collection properly belongs only to the first essay. On 3 December 1959 1 had the honour to deliver the first Malinovvski Memorial Lecture at the London School of Economics. The Editorial Board of the London School of Economics Monographs in Social Anthropology enerously offered to publish the text of my lecture but added the flattering suggestion that I should reprint a number of my other essays at the same time. I have accordingly appropriated the title of my Malinowski lecture for the whole collection. I do not pretend wholly consistent with that The essays extend over a period of fifteen years and is that th e viewpoint of the latest (Chapter i) of the earliest (Chapter 2) but there is, I think, a certain continuity of theme and method in all of them. When they were first written all these essays were attempts to ‘rethink anthropology'.All are concerned with problems of others, I ‘theory' and are based on ethnographic facts recorded by my own contribution being primarily that of analyst. In each case have tried to reassess the known facts in the light of unorthodox assumpSuch heresy seems to me to have merit for its own sake. Unconventional arguments often turn out to be wrong but provided they provoke discussion they may still have lasting value. By that criterion each of the essays in this book is a possible candidate for attention. tions. Among social anthropologists the is game f building new theories on the ruins of old ones almost an occupational disease. Contemporary arguments in social anthropology are built out of formulae concocted by Malinowski, Radcliffe-Brown an d Levi-Strauss who in turn were only ‘rethinking' Rivers, Durkheim and Mauss, who borrowed from Morgan, McLennan and Robertson- Smith the total outcome of all — and so on. Sceptics may think that despite all this ratiocination adds up to very little; our pedagogical subtleties, the diversities of human custom remain as bewildering as ever. But that we admit.The contemporary social anthropologist is all too well aware that he knows much less than Frazer imagined that he knew for certain. But that perhaps is the point. The contributions to anthropological pedantry collected in this book add little to the sum of human knowledge but if they provoke some readers to doubt their sense of certainty then they will have served their purpose. A note on the interconnections between the different papers draft of Chapter 2 may prove still helpful. The first was written in 1943 while I was on VI PREFACE and still in direct contact with Jinghpaw speakers. ppeared in the 1945 volume of the J. R. A. I, this was not actually published until 1950. These details of dating are relevant because they explain why my paper contains no reference to Chapters 15 and i6 of Levi-Strauss, Les structures elementaires de la parente (1949) and reciprocally why the latter work ignores the new information provided by my paper. Chapter 3, which was originally a Curl Prize Essay, was completed in the spring of 195 1 and seems to have been the first English language commentar)' on Levi-Strauss's magnum opus though, presumably, my paper and J.P. B. de Josselin de Jong's monograph Levi-Strauss's Theory on Kinship and Marriage (1952) were going through the press at the same time. Although I here criticized Levi-Strauss on the grounds of ethnographical inaccuracy my sympathy with his general theoretical point of view is very great. Professor Levi-Strauss has himself noted the similarity between the view of ‘social structure' implicit in my first Jinghpaw paper (Chapter 2) and his own (Levi-Strauss, 1953, p. 525 n), and in all my subsequent publications my debt to Levi-Strauss is obvious.The relationship of Chapter 4 to earlier literature will be apparent from the references in the text. Although it was not intended to be controversial it provoked Dr Kathleen Gough into a vigorous reply (Gough, 1959). The crucial part of my argument here is that I emphasize the need to distinguish between affinity regarded as an alliance between corporate kin groups and those individual affinal ties which bind a particular wife to a particular husband. This theme recurs in Chapter 5 and again in active military service t Although Chapter i. Chapter 5, as indicated in the text, is linked with a long correspondence which appeared in the pages of Man in 1953 and 1954 but the response which it evoked from my close academic colleagues is only marginally connected with this earlier discussion. Dr Goody has denounced my whole argument as grounded in fundamental error (Goody, 1959, p. 86 ) and Professor Fortes has taken up most of two issues of Man to expound my fallacies and confusions (Fortes, 1959b).Both these explosions of academic wrath were provoked by a single sentence in my essay, namely ‘Thus Fortes, while recognizing that ties of affinity have comparable importance to ties of descent, disguises the former under his expression â€Å"complementary filiation† (see below p. 122). The exact sense in which this statement is an ‘error' is still not clear to me for in the course of his denunciation Fortes reaffirms his view that ‘complementary filiation is a function of affinal relations' (Fortes, 1959b, p. 209) which is precisely the argument I sought to controvert. ^ Professor Fortes has called his article *a rejoinder to Leach', and — readers of Chapter i of this book need to appreciate that ‘a among other things in it is intended as rejoinder to Fortes'. Reference to a short note Man (i960. Art. 6) will perhaps help to mak e this clear. The two short papers on time symbolism reprinted in Chapter 6 do PREFACE influence of Professor Levi-Strauss Vll not form a series with the other chapters of the book though again the is pronounced. Although my ‘Cronus and Chronos' appeared in print in 1953 while Levi-Strauss's ‘The Structural Study of Myth' was only published in 1956, I had in fact already heard Professor Levi-Strauss's lecture on this topic before I wrote my essay.Explorations, the Toronto University publication in which my Chapter 6 was originally published, carried on its fly leaf the statement that it was ‘designed, not as a permanent reference journal that embalms truth for posterity, but as a publication that explores and searches and questions' and both my papers are correspondingly brief and tentative. Nevertheless a number of my friends have suggested that the arguments they contain are of more than ephemeral interest; hence the reissue here^ Chapter i contains a considerabl e amount of matter which was not included in the spoken text of my Malinowski lecture. The other essays^ appear as originally printed, except for the correction of misprints, and one or two very minor alterations intended to clarify the argument. The Introductory Notes at the beginning of Chapters 2-6 are new. Acknowledgements I am indebted to the Council of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland for permission to reprint the essays published here as Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 5 and to Professor E. S. Carpenter and the University of Toronto for permission to reprint the two short essays included in Chapter 6.I am indebted to a personal grant in aid from the Behavioral Sciences Division of the Ford Foundation for facilities employed while preparing } * j] : -^ these papers for publication. E. R. L. Contents 1. RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY I 2. JINGHPAW KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY THE STRUCTURAL IMPLICATIONS OF MATRILATERAL CROSS-COUSIN MARRIAGE 28 3. 54 4. POLYANDRY, INHERITAN CE AND THE DEFINITION OF marriage: with PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO SINHALESE CUSTOMARY LAW ASPECTS OF BRIDEWEALTH AND MARRIAGE STABILITY IO5 5. AMONG THE KACHIN AND LAKHER 6. II4 TWOESSAYS CONCERNING THE SYMBOLIC REPRESENTATION OF TIME (i) 124 Cronus and Chronos, 124 (ii) Time and False Noses, 132 Rethinking Anthropology my arrogant title. Since 1930 British Anthropology has embodied a well defined set of ideas and -^objectives which derive directly from the teaching of Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown this unity of aim is summed up in the statement that British social anthropology is functionalist and concerned with the comparative analysis of social structures. But during the last year or so it has begun to look as if this particular aim had worked itself out.Most of my colleagues are giving up the attempt to make comparative generalizations instead they have begun to write impeccably detailed historical ethno- tET Social me begin by explaining — graphies of particular peoples. I regret this new tendency for I still believe that the findings of anthro- pologists have general as well as particular implications, but functionalist doctrine ceased to carry conviction? why has the understand what is happening in social anthropology I believe we need to go right back to the beginning and rethink basic issues really elementary matters such as To — hat we mean by marriage or descent or the unity of difficult siblings, and that is — for basic concepts are basic; The the ideas one has about them are deeply entrenched and firmly held. One bias of the things we need to recognize is the strength of the empirical which Malinowski introduced into social anthropology and which essential core of social anthropology has stayed with us ever since. is understanding of the way of life of a single particular people. This fieldwork is an extremely personal traumatic kind of experience and the personal involvement of the anthropologist in his work is reflected in wh at he produces.When we read Malinowski we get the impression that he is stating something which is of general importance. Yet how can this be? He is simply writing about Trobriand Islanders. Somehow he has so assimilated himself into the Trobriand situation that he is able to make the Trobriands fieldwork a microcosm of the whole primitive world. successors; for Firth, Primitive citizen of —the And the same is true of his is Man is a Tikopian, for Fortes, he a Ghana. The existence of this prejudice has long been recognized / but we have paid inadequate attention to its consequences.The difficulty of achieving comparative generalizations is directly linked with the problem of escaping from ethnocentric bias. 2 RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY As is appropriate to an occasion I when we honour the memory of Bronislaw MaUnowski, am going to be thoroughly egotistical. I shall imply there my own is merit by condemning the work of in my closest friends. But purpose is to distinguish between two rather similar varieties of comparative generalization, both of which turn up from time to time in contemporary British social anthropology.One of these, which I dislike, derives from the work of Radcliffe-Brown; the other, which I admire, derives from the work of Levi-Strauss. It is important that the differences between these two approaches be properly understood, so I shall draw my illustrations in sharp contrast, all black and all white. In this harsh and exaggerated form Professor Levi-Strauss method my malice. My might well repudiate the authorship of the ideas which I am trying to convey. Hence my egotism; let the blame be wholly mine. My problem is simple.How can a modern social anthropologist, with all the work of Malinowski and Radcliffc-Brown and their successors at his elbow, embark upon generalization with any hope of arriving at a satisfying conclusion? My answer is quite simple too; it is this: By thinking of the organizational ideas that are present in any societ y as constituting a mathematical pattern. The rest of what I have to say that is simply an elaboration of this cryptic statement. concern is with generalization, not with maintained that the objective of social anthropology was the ‘comparison of social structures'.In explaining this he asserted that when we distinguish and compare different types of social structure we are doing the same kind of thing as when we distinguish different kinds of sea shell according to their structural type (RadcliffeBrown, 1953, p. 109). Generalization is quite a different kind of mental First let me emphasize my comparison. Radcliffe-Brown operation. Let me illustrate this point. two points can be joined by a straight line and you can represent this straight line mathematically by a sm^G. first order algebraic equation.Any three points can be joined by a circle and you can represent this circle by a quadratic or second order algebraic equation. It would be a generalization to go straight on fro m there and say any : Any n points in a plane can be joined by a curve which can be represented by an equation of order n-i. This would be just a guess, but it would be true, and it is a kind of truth which no amount of comparison can ever reveal. Comparison and generalization are both forms of scientific activity, but different. Comparison is a matter of butterfly collecting —of classification, of the rrangement of things according to their types and subtypes. The followers of Radcliffe-Brown are anthropological butterfly collectors and their approach to their data has certain consequences. For example, according to RadclifTe- Brown's principles we ought to think of Trobriand society : RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY as 3 classification a society of a particular structural type. The might proceed thus: Main Type Sub-type: Sub-sub-type : societies societies societies composed of unilineal descent groups. composed of matrilineal descent groups. composed of matrilineal descent groups i n which he married males of the matrilineage live together in one place and apart from the females of the matrilineage, and so on. In this procedure each class preceding it is a sub-type of the class immediately in the tabulation. its uses, but it has very serious has no logical limits. Ultimately discriminated in this way as a sub-type Now I every just agree that analysis of this kind has is limitations. One major defect known society can be that it from any other, and since anthropologists are notably vague about what they mean by ‘a society', this will lead them to distinguish more and more ocieties, almost ad infinitum. This is not just hypothesis. My colleague Dr Goody has gone to great pains to distinguish as types two adjacent societies in the Northern Gold Coast which he calls LoWiili and LoDagaba. A careful reader of Dr Goody's works will discover, however, that these two ‘societies' are distinct simply the way that field Dr Goody notes from two has chosen to de scribe the fact that his neighbouring communities show some curious discrepancies. If limit Dr Goody's methods of analysis were pushed to the we should be able to show that every village community throughout is he world constitutes a distinct society which distinguishable as a type from any other (Goody, 1956b). Another serious objection is that the typology makers never explain why they choose one frame of reference rather than another. RadcliffeBrovsTi's instructions were simply that ‘it is necessary to compare societies the economic system, the with reference to one particular aspect . . . political system, or the kinship system' . . . this is equivalent to saying that you can arrange your butterflies according to their colour, or their size, or the shape of their wings according to the him of the moment, but no matter what you do this will be science. Well perhaps, in a sense, it is; but you must realize that your prior arrangement creates an initial bias from which it is later extremely difficult to escape (Radcliffe-Brown, 1940, p. xii). Social anthropology is packed with frustrations of it this kind. An obvious Ever since example is the category opposition patrilineal/matrilineal. has been customary for anthropologists to distinguish unilineal from non-unilineal descent systems, and writing of the Iroquois, Morgan began among that it the former to distinguish patrilineal societies from atrilineal societies. is These categories now seem to us so rudimentary and obvious extremely difficult to break out of the straitjacket of thought which the categories themselves impose. 4 RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY Yet if our approach is to be genuinely unbiased we must be prepared to consider the possibihty that these type categories have no sociological significance whatsoever. It may be that to create a class labelled matrtis as irrelevant for our understanding of social structure as the creation of a class blue butterflies is irrelevant for the understanding of t he anatomical structure of lepidoptera.I don't say it is so, but it may be; it is lineal societies time that we considered the possibility. J I warn you, the rethinking of basic category assumptions can be very disconcerting. But Let me cite a case. Dr Audrey Richards's well-known contribution to African Systems of Kinship and Marriage is an essay in Radcliffe-Brownian typology making which is rightly regarded as one of the ‘musts' of undergraduate reading (Richards, 1950). In this essay Dr Richards asserts that societies is ‘the problem' of matrilineal the difficulty of combining recognition of descent through the oman with the rule of exogamous marriage, and she classifies a variety of matrilineal societies according to the way this ‘problem' is solved. In effect her classification turns on the fact that a woman's husband the two men. jointly possess rights in the woman's brother and a woman's children but that matrilineal systems differ in the way these rights a re allocated between is the prior category assumptions. Men have kinds of society, so why should it be assumed from the start that brothers-in-law in matrilineal societies have special ‘prob- What I object to in this ll brothers-in-law in lems' which are absent in patrilineal or bilateral structures? really What has lay a matrilineal society, she has decided to restrict her comparative obser-ations to matrilineal systems. Then, having selected a group of societies which have nothing in common except that they are matrilineal, she is naturally led to conclude that matrilineal descent is the major factor to which all the other items of cultural behaviour which she happened here with the Bemba, is that, because Dr Richards's own special knowledge describes are functionally adjusted.Her argument I am afraid is a tautology; her system of classification already implies the truth of what she claims to be demonstrating. This illustrates how Radcliffe-Brown's taxonomic assumptions fit in with the ethnocentric bias which I mentioned earlier. Because the typefinding social anthropologist conducts his whole argument in terms of tempted particular instances rather than of generalized patterns, he is constantly to attach exaggerated significance to those features of social organization which happen to be prominent in the societies of which he himself has first hand experience. The ase of Professor Fortes illustrates this is same point in rather a different way. His quest not so much for types as for prototypes. It so happens that the two societies of which he has made a close study have certain similarities of structural pattern for, while the Tallensi are patri- RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY lineal 5 and the Ashanti matrilineal, both Tallensi and Ashanti come unfiliation', usually close to having a system of double unilineal descent. Professor Fortes has devised a special concept, ‘complementary w^hich helps him to describe this double unilineal element in the Tallen si/Ashanti pattern w^hile rejecting the notion that these societies actually possess double unilineal systems (Fortes, 1953, p. 33; 1959b). It is interesting to note the circumstances which led to the development of this concept. From one point of view ‘complementary filiation' is simply an inverse form of Malinowski's notion of ‘sociological paternity' as applied in the matrilineal context of Trobriand society. But Fortes has done more than invent a new name for an old idea; he has made it the corner stone of a substantial body of theory and this theory arises logically special circumstances of his own field experience.In his earlier writings the Tallensi are often represented as having a somewhat extreme form of patrilineal ideology. Later, in contrast to from the Rattray, Fortes placed an unambiguously matrilineal label upon the Ashanti. view, is The that merit of ‘complementary it is filiation', from Fortes's point of a concept which applies equally well to bot h of these contrasted societies but does not conflict with his thesis that both the Tallensi and the Ashanti have systems of unilineal descent. The concept ecame necessary to him precisely because he had decided at the start that the more familiar and more obvious notion of double unilineal descent was inappropriate. In retrospect Fortes seems to have decided that double unilineal descent is a special development of ‘complementary filiation', the latter being a feature of all unilineal descent structures. That such category distinctions are contrived rather than natural is evident from Goody's additional discrimination. Goody asserts that the LoWiili have ‘complementary descent rather than a dual descent system'.Since the concept of ‘complementary filiation' was first introduced so as to help in the distinction between ‘filiation' and ‘descent' and since the adjective ‘complementary' cannot here be given meaning except by reference to the word â⠂¬Ëœdescent', the total argument is clearly tautologous (Fortes, 1945, pp. 134, 20of; 1950, p. 287; 1953, p. 34; 1959; Goody, 1956b, p. 77). Now I do not claim that Professor Fortes is mistaken, but I think he is misled by his prior suppositions. If making and from enthnocentric science. we are to bias we must let escape both from typology turn to a different kind ofInstead of comparison repeat. Generalization us have generalization; instead of inductive; it butterfly collecting let us have inspired guesswork. Let me is consists in perceiving it is possible general laws in the circumstances of special cases; guesswork, a gamble, you may be wrong or you may be right, but if you happen to be right you have learnt something altogether new. In contrast, arranging butterflies according to their types and sub-types is tautology. It merely reasserts something you know already in a slightly different form. 6 RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY But if you are going is o start guessing, you need I to kno w how to guess. . d this wliat I am getting at when say that the form of thinking should be mathematical. Functional ism in a mathematical sense is not concerned with the interconnections between parts of a whole but with the principles of operation of partial systems. There is a direct conflict here with the dogmas of Malinowski and Malinowski's functionalism required us to think of each Society (or Culture, as Malinowski would have put it) as a totality Radcliffe-Brown. of a made up kinds — number of discrete empirical ‘things', of rather diverse institutions', e. g. groups of people, customs. These ‘things' are functionally interconnected to form a delicately balanced mechanism rather like the various parts of a wrist watch. cliff†e- The functionalism of Rad- Brown was equally mechanical though the focus of interest was different. RadclifTe-Brown was concerned, as it were, to distinguish wrist watches clocks, whereas Malinowski was interested in the gener al attributes of clockwork. But hath masters took as their starting point the notion that a culture or a society is an empirical whole made up rom grandfather of a limited two societies number of readily identifiable parts and that when we compare we are concerned to see whether or not the same kinds of is parts are present in both cases. This approach a mechanic but appropriate for a zoologist or for a botanist or for it is not the approach of a mathematician nor of an engineer and, in gineer. my view, the anthropologist has much in common with the en- But that is my private bias. I was originally trained as an engineer. The entities which we call societies are not naturally existing species, neither re they man-made mechanisms. But the analogy of a mechanism has quite as much relevance as the analogy of an organism. This is not the place to discuss the history of the organic analogy as a model for Society, but its arbitrariness is often forgotten. Hobbes, who developed his notion of a social organism in a very systematic way, discusses in his preface whether a mechanical or an organic analogy might be the more appropriate for his purpose. He opts for an organism only because he wants to include in his model a metaphysical prime mover (i. . God Life Force) (Hobbes, 1957, p. 5). In contrast RadcHffe-Brown employed the organic analogy as a matter of dogma rather than of choice (e. g. Radcliffe-Brown, 1957, pp. 82-86; 1940a, pp. 3, lo) and his butterfly collecting followers have accepted the appropriateness of the phrase ‘social organism' without serious discussion. Against this complacency I — must protest. It is certainly the case that social scientists must often resort all to analogy but eternity. we are not committed to one type of model making for Our task societies s to understand and explain what goes on in society, how work. If an engineer tries to explain to you how a digital computer RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY bolts. 7 works he doesn't spend his time classifying different kinds of nuts and He concerns himself with principles, not with things. He writes out argument as a mathematical equation of the utmost simplicity, somewhat on the lines of o + i = i i + i = 10. No doubt this example is frivolous; such computers embody their information in a code which is transmitted in positive and negative impulses denoted by the digital symbols o and i.The essential point is that although the information which can be embodied in such codes may be enormously complex, the basic principles on which the computing machines work is very simple. Likewise I would maintain that quite simple mechanical models can have relevance for social anthropology despite the acknowledged fact that the detailed empirical facts of social life display the utmost complexity. I don't want to turn anthropology into a branch of mathematics but I believe we can learn a lot by starting to think about society in a mathehis : ; matical way.Considered mathematicall y society is not an assemblage of things but an assemblage of variables. A good analogy would be with that branch of mathematics known as topology, which may crudely be described as the geometry of elastic rubber sheeting. If I have a piece of rubber sheet and draw a series of lines on it to symbolize the functional interconnections of some set of social phenomena and I then start stretching the rubber about, I can change the manifest shape of my original geometrical figure out of all recognition and yet clearly there is a sense in which it is the same figure all the time.The constancy of pattern is not manifest as an objective empirical fact but it is there as a mathematical generalization. By analogy, generalized structural patterns in anthropology are not restricted to societies of any one manifest structural type. you will tell me that topology is one of those which mere sociologists had best avoid, but I am not in fact proposing anything original. A very good simple account of the nature of topology appears in an article under that title in the current edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica.The author himself makes the point that because topology is a non-metrical form of mathematics it deserves especial attention from social scientists. I Now know that a lot of alarming scientific mysteries The fundamental Any closed curve is arc of a circle is ‘the variable in topology ‘the is the degree of connectedness. same as' any other regardless of its shape; the same as' a straight line because each is open ended. Contrariwise, a closed curve has a greater degree of connectedness than an arc. If of pattern case if we apply these ideas to sociology particular relationships e cease to be interested in and concern ourselves instead with the regularities relationships. is among neighbouring In the simplest possible there be a relationship p which intimately associated with another relationship q then in a topological study we shall not concern ourselves 8 RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY with the particular characteristics of/) and q but with their mutual characteristics, i. e. with the algebraic ratio p'^q. But it must be understood that the relationships and sets of relationships which are symbolized in this way cannot properly be given specific numerical values.The reader should bear this point in mind when he encounters the specimens of pseudo-mathematics which occur later in this paper. All propositions in topology can also be expressed as propositions in symbolic logic (see Carnap, 1958, chapter G) and it was probably a consideration of this fact which led Nadel to introduce symbolic logic into own view is that while the consideration book (Xadel, 1957). of mathematical and logical models may help the anthropologist to order his last My his theoretical arguments in an all this intelligent way, his actual procedure s should be non-mathematical. The pattern relevance of to my main theme that the saTne structural may turn up in any kind of society patrilineal —a mathematical approach matrilineal makes no prior assumption that from non-unilineal systems or structures. all unilincal systems are basically different structures from the contrary, the principle of parity leads us to discount rigid category distinctions of this kind. On Let me try to illustrate I for the occasion shall take my point with an example. To be my example from Malinowski. Malinowski reported, as a ppropriate Most of you will know that fact of empirical ethnography, that the Trobrianders profess ignorance of the connection between copulation and pregnancy and that this ignorance serves as a rational justification for their system of matrilineal descent. From the Trobriand point of view ‘my father' (tama) is not a blood relative at all but a kind of affine, *my mother's husband' (Malinowski, 1932a, p. 5). However, alongside their dogmatic ignorance of the facts of life, Trobrianders also maintain that every child should resemble its mother's husband (i. . its father) but that no child could ever resemble a member of its own matrilineal kin. Malinowski seems to have thought it paradoxical that Trobrianders should hold both these doctrines at the same time. He was apparently bemused by the same kind of ethnocentric assumptions as later led a Tallensi informant to tell Professor Fortes that ‘both parents transmit their blood to their offspring, as can be seen from the fact that Tallensi children may resemble either parent in looks' (Fortes, 1949, p. 35; my italics). This is mixing up sociology and genetics.We know, and apparently the Tallensi assume, that physical appearance is genetically based, but there is no reason why primitive people in general should associate ideas of genetic inheritance with ideas about physical resemblance between persons. The explanation which the Trobrianders gave to Malinowski was that a father impresses his appearance on his son by cohabiting repeatedly with the mother and ther eby ‘moulding' (kuli) the child in her womb (Malinowski, 1932a, p. 176) which is reminiscent of the Ashanti . RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY view that the father shapes the body of his child as might a potter (Rattray, 1929, p. 9). This Trobriand theory is quite consistent with the view that the father is related to the son only as mother's husband that is, an affine and not as a kinsman. There are other Trobriand doctrines which fall into line with this. The father's sister is ‘the prototype of the lawful woman' (Malinowski, 1932a, p. 450) which seems to be more or less the equivalent of saying that — the father (tama) is much the same sort of relation as a brother-in-law.Again, although, as Powell has shown (Powell, 1956, p. 314), marriage with the father's sister's daughter is rare, the Trobrianders constantly assured Malinowski that this was a very right and proper marriage. Evidently in their view the category tama (which includes both father and father's sister's s on) is very close to that of lubou (brother-in-law) (Mal- inowski, 1932a, pp. 86, 451). The similarity is asserted not only in verbal expression but also in the pattern of economic obligation, for the harvest gift (urignbu) paid by a married man is due both to his mother's husband tama) and to his sister's husband (lubou) (Malinowski, 1935, I, pp. 386, 413-18). From my point of view this cluster of Trobriand beliefs and attitudes is a ‘pattern of organizational ideas'— it specifies a series of categories, in a particular relationship and places them with one another as in an was biased by his down to earth empiricism, by European prejudices and by his interest in psycho-analysis, and he refused to accept tlie Trobriand doctrine at its face value. Instead he refurbished his concept of ‘sociological paternity' which he had originalgebraic equation.But Malinowski ally devised to fit a quite different context, that of patrilineal organization among On to the Australia n Aborigines (Malinowski, 19 13, p. 170-83). this earlier occasion Malinowski had used ‘sociological paternity' relations show how between parents and children and between spouses derive from customary rules and not from any universal facts of biology or psychology, but in the later application of these ideas to Trobriand circumstances he shifts his ground and the argument becomes confused by the introduction of naive psychological considerations. On the face of t ‘sociological paternity', as used in The Sexual Life of attitudes Savages, seems to mean that even in a society which, like the Trobriands, sociological still denies the facts of ‘biological paternity', pertain to paternity, as zve understand it, which far, may be found. So so good. But Malinowski goes further than this. Instead of arguing, as in the Australian case, that kinship attitudes have a purely social origin, he now insists that social attitudes to kinship arc facts. rooted in universal psycholog ical The paternal relationship contains elements which are necessarily resent in the father/child relationship of all societies, no matter what the circumstances of custom and social structure confusing. may be. This is all very On the one hand the reader is is told quite plainly that the Trobriand child taught to think of his father as a non-relative, as an lO RETHINKING ANTHROPOLOGY individual with the special non-kinship status of mother's husband. But on the other hand the reader is forced to conclude that this ‘IVobriand mother's husband is related to the mother's child ‘as a sociological father', that is to say by ties of kinship as well as by tics of affinity.The argument, as a whole, is self-contradictory. is You may about. well think that this a yery hairsplitting point to make a fuss How can it possibly make any difference whether I think of a parti- cular male as my father or as is my mother's husband? Well, all I can say that anthropologists do Professor Fort es, Dr Goody and Dr Kathleen Gough on this subject that worry about such things. are so disturbed by my heretical yiews oflF time to try to bruise my owski's argument (Fortes, 1959)-

Pupils Welfare And Academic Attainment Education Essay

Pastoral attention, or as it is known in an educational scene as Personal, Social, Health and Economic instruction or PSHE, has been under much argument and examination in the last decennary or so. The discourse environing this country of instruction is about how of import it is and if it has a topographic point within or alongside the National Curriculum. There are inquiries about the relevancy PSHE plays within schools and whether it is 2nd to the more academic based topics, and if it is in fact an country that needs to be included who is tasked with the occupation of presenting it? The chief publications I will be utilizing to discourse the inquiry are, Positions on Pastoral Care ; Pastoral Care and Personal Social Education: Entitlement and Provision ; Problems and Practice of Pastoral Care ; How to be a Successful Form Tutor ; The Pastoral and the Academic. Additionally to these I will be doing usage of articles, electronic stuff and an review study by Ofsted into PSHE. Pastoral attention and personal-social instruction can be found to arise before the Education Act was formed in 1944 and some grounds day of the months as far back as the last century. Although it was non until the 1970s, and shortly after critics, that publications about pastoral attention began to emerge in print, so it can safely be said that PSHE and pastoral attention has existed alongside instruction for a piece, ( Best et al, 1995 ) . A diffused construct from the general consensus for a sensible definition of PSHE is ; â€Å" Personal, societal, wellness and economic ( PSHE ) instruction is a planned programme of larning chances and experiences that help kids and immature people grow and develop as persons and as members of households and of societal and economic communities † .[ 1 ] ( PSHE Education, ND ) When it comes to pastoral attention a phrase which is going progressively used is ‘the concealed course of study ‘ , a phrase that defines a side consequence of larning which is non intentionally intended. The expostulation to this is that no portion of the course of study should be ‘hidden ‘ , for merely if it is openly defined can at that place be a plausible and incorporate structured programme of PSHE within schools, ( Marland & A ; Rogers, 2004, p.20 ) . An interesting point raised by Keith Blackburn that can associate to the ‘hidden course of study ‘ is that each member of the teaching staff, non merely the signifier coach, contributes in assorted ways to countries focused on the PSHE lessons, something I will turn to subsequently in this reappraisal ( Blackburn cited in Best et Al, 1980 p.58 ) . Overall, it is clear in some countries that there are values based on PSHE within schools and it is seen as an indispensable facet of ‘whole s chool ‘ ethos, furthering a safe and unafraid environment where kids are able to larn. So, from my initial readings it seems that the function of the signifier coach is to better the overall well-being of the student with the purpose of it holding a positive impact on the remainder of their instruction. With this general background in head we can get down to discourse how the place held by the pastoral carer/form coach is important to pupils ‘ public assistance and academic attainment. The signifier coach can hold many functions within a school, he/she are the first grownup students will run into in the forenoon and he/she have more contact clip with each student in comparing to their capable instructors. As a instructor he/she is at that place to supply support and counsel, every bit good as being a function theoretical account to whom their students can look up to. Dillon and Maguire acknowledge this in their book Becoming a Teacher, and so travel on to state â€Å" merely being there is an of import factor, supplying students with what might be the lone point of security in the instance of those with helter-skelter lives † , ( Dillon & A ; Maguire, 2011, p.371 ) . In turn toing the point made by Blackburn brought up earlier in this treatment, subjects teacher can lend to countries focused on by the chief pastoral carer. Then once more their chief aim is to learn their course of study topic, unlike the signifier coach, they would non follow with a structur ed programme that students will profit from within PSHE lessons. Furthermore, while it is the responsibility of the signifier coach to advance ‘personal development ‘ , Blackburn besides insists the signifier coach has to understand the manner each student sees himself in order to lend to his farther apprehension and penetration † , ( Blackburn, cited in Best et Al, 1980, p.58 ) . This support of a signifier coach can be a great aid during the adolescent phase of a student ‘s life as Watkins ( 1981 ) explains that one of the chief country of the signifier coach ‘s function will be to see is merely that ‘adolescence ‘ . A slippery clip for a student as they are trying to develop their ain individuality and where they fit within the larger community. Watkins puts it as â€Å" striplings are continuously involved in experimenting with their self-presentation and judging the reactions thereto † , ( Watkins, ND, cited in Hamblin, 1981, p.22 ) . During his calling Douglas Hamblin ( 1981 ) had become progressively cognizant of schools where the pastoral system was under-functioning and doing small direct part to the attainment of the ‘whole schools ‘ ethos. He seems to admit that instructors were non the 1s to fault, the job stemmed from uneffective pastoral attention caused by a hapless deficiency of structured programmes from which carers could present utile lessons, ( Hamblin, 1981, p.3 ) . Fortunately, varied lineations of learning standards in these PSHE lessons can be found in many publications, in add-on necessary qualities in being a successful signifier coach can be besides be found. One peculiar publication which discusses both would be How to be a successful Form Tutor, by Marland & A ; Rogers, ( 2004 ) in which they describe that â€Å" a signifier coach is a instructor whose topic is the student herself † , ( Marland & A ; Rogers, 2004, p.19 ) . The suggestion here is that each student ‘s ‘personal development ‘ , addressed by Blackburn before, is different and they should hold their ain single acquisition program to assist them come on. Marland and Rogers so travel on to compose about a theoretical account that focuses on seven countries of personal-social growing drawn upon by Richard Pring ; these include rational and moral virtuousnesss, character traits, societal competences, practical and theoretical cognition and personal values, ( Pring, 1984, cited in Marland & A ; Rogers, 2004 p.22-4 ) .These countries described here can help in the betterment of both the public assistance of students and their overall academic accomplishment ; or as Calvert expresses it, â€Å" issues of emotional intelligence were cardinal to larning and non merely concerned with go toing to the public assistance of the kid † , ( Calvert, 2009, p. 274 ) . In 1980 there was a ‘Great Debate ‘ of instruction looking into the constitution of a more purposeful course of study ; the topic of pastoral attention was mistily addressed but non much was done about the â€Å" luxuriant and frequently complicated systems † that were in topographic point, â€Å" in which academic personal businesss were separated from public assistance and counsel † , ( Best et al, 1980, p. ( xi ) ) . In the publication The Pastoral and the Academic, Powers ( 1996 ) writes that in its early phases pastoral attention had been used as a manner to depict any undertaking that would non suit into the academic side of instruction, ( Power, 1996, p.30 ) . As it was defined chiefly in negative footings, it lacked internal coherency and organizing rules, ( Power, 1996, p.30 ) . So at that place seems to be this great oversight between both pastoral and academic, but some authors feel there is a demand to unite the two in an interlacing relationship so they can feed off each other to better public presentation of students ‘ well-being and faculty members. Hamblin feels that â€Å" the relationship of pastoral attention to achievement can non be stressed excessively strongly ( Hamblin, 1981, p4 ) . There is a big sum of grounds that suggests PSHE has had a strong influence on students in both positive and negative ways. Such an illustration is the Ofsted review study into personal, societal, wellness and economic instruction in schools, which took topographic point between September 2006 and July 2009 in 165 kept up schools in England. In one school visited students responded positively towards PSHE instruction, â€Å" exhibiting first-class behavior within lessons and had developed lively and joint debating accomplishments and were besides willing to listen to the positions of others † , ( Ofsted, 2010 ) . The students besides showed their societal and personal accomplishments in practical ways by moving as function theoretical accounts and wise mans for younger students. The findings suggest that many of the schools with consistent and good quality learning were really much dependent on whether PSHE was taught by non-specialist instructors ( who were frequently coachs ) or by instructors who had had some preparation in PSHE instruction † , ( Ofsted, 2010 ) . This analysis suggests the benefits from holding a strongly structured programme for PSHE lessons can help any type of coach deliver a lesson. There is grounds of negative positions towards pastoral attention picked up by Powers ( 1996 ) , Calvert ( 2009 ) and Hamblin ( 1981 ) . As discussed earlier, Hamblin acknowledges the under operation of pastoral attention, while Calvert explains there are seven ages of pastoral attention which have developed over the last 50 old ages. These are pastoral attention as ‘control ‘ ; as ‘individual demand ‘ ; as ‘group demand ‘ ; the ‘pastoral course of study ‘ ; for ‘implementation of the National Curriculum ‘ ; for ‘learning ‘ and for ‘the wider work force and the Every Child Matters docket ‘ , something Power besides picks up on in less item, ( Calvert, 1996, p 270-274 ) . It seems apparent that the function of the signifier coach, no affair how many significant alterations it goes through, one portion which remains critical and is agreed upon is the development of the students ‘ wellbeing, ( Rees, 2010, cited in Dillon & A ; Maguire, 2011 ) . This sentiment of â€Å" personal development † dealt with by Marland and Rogers ( 2004 ) is something that is besides picked up on by Keith Blackburn in Perspectives on Pastoral Care, depicting â€Å" a new function created for instructors in secondary schools whose main accent was cognizing single students † , ( Blackburn, cited in Best et Al, p.56 ) . Associating many of the Hagiographas is this impression of the academic and the pastoral working together alternatively of against each other. Best and fellow authors indicate in Perspective on Pastoral Care, that as far back as 1980 there is clear deliberation over the thought of segregating the pastoral course of study from academic as a questionable act and something that the ‘great argument in instruction ‘ should hold picked up on but failed to so, ( Best et al, 1980, P ( xi ) ) . Chris Watkins suggests that â€Å" schoolmasters and instructors should guarantee that pastoral attention in schools embodies a healthy balance between challenge and support for students † , ( Best et al, 1995, p.304 ) The division of PSHE course of study devoted to either public assistance of students or their academic accomplishment is nonsensical, as the focal point on supplying for personal growing and accomplishment together is a better model for success, ( Standish et Al. 2006, cited in Dillon and Maguire 2011 ) something for which Watkins ( 1981 ) and Powers ( 1996 ) agree on. Mentioning back to the original inquiry posed, I feel it can be concluded that the signifier coach is genuinely cardinal to helping in the ‘personal development ‘ of students in both well-being and academic attainment, ( Blackburn, cited in Best et Al, 1980, p.58 ) . It seems a common understanding that the responsibility of the signifier coach is to cognize the students as persons and help them in their ‘personal development ‘ of these countries. It is besides apparent that the academic side of instruction is improved by such subjects taught in PSHE as discovered by Ofsted during their reviews, ( Ofsted, 2010 ) . However, it is good and works better if there is a structured programme in topographic point to work to. Unfortunately there is no easy reply to what constitutes an in agreement pastoral course of study. Everyone seems to hold similar thoughts about what should and should non be included ; nevertheless there are excessively many inconsistent thoughts to do a refined construction as yet, ( Calvert, 1996, p.268 ) .

Legalization of Marijuana for Recreational Use

Hewlett-Packard| Legalization of Marijuana for Recreational Use| Introduction to Ethics: Theory and Application| | HP| Assignment # 4 | Nichole Hysel| Legalization of Marijuana for Recreational Use On a cold January afternoon in a small community, a police officer is called to a residence for suspected domestic issue. As he arrives, he can hear shouting coming from the house. He knocks on the door and a boy of about five years old, who is dressed in nothing but shorts, comes to the door. He stands with the door open, a slice of bread in his dirty hand, smiling at the officer. He has seen the officer at the home a few times in the past.The child has also been over to the officer’s house to play with his children. The officer’s wife and the boy’s mother work together at the local grocery store and the boy’s father looks after him while his mother is at work. After the officer talks to the parents about their issues, which always seem to be basic domestic iss ues, he heads for the door. The boy follows him, hugs his leg, looks up and says, â€Å"Can I come with you? † The officer responds, â€Å"Sorry buddy, not today. † Two weeks later, on a bitter cold afternoon, the mother comes home from work to discover the child is gone.The same police officer searches along with the majority of the community. The boy is found an hour later on a rural country road. He is taken to the emergency room and treated for hypothermia. He is then taken in by Child Protective Services. The father is charged with possession of marijuana, his 2nd offense, along with intent to deliver. The mother has had enough and has turned the father in for growing a few plants in the basement and selling it to his buddies. After 7 days, the child is returned to his mother. He had been under the care of the police officer and his wife.Marijuana is the most widely used, illegal drug in the world. â€Å"It is estimated that 119 million to 224 million people used cannabis in 2011,† reports, Glenn D. Braunstein, M. D. and Vice President of clinical innovation at Cedars Sinai Hospital. Marijuana is considered a depressant, stimulant and hallucinogen. It has recently been legalized, as a recreational drug in two out of 50 states, Colorado and Washington. In these states, those who are 21 and older can possess up to an ounce of marijuana, it will be sold and taxed in state-licensed stores, much the same way alcohol is sold.In the state of Colorado, cultivation of up to six marijuana plants per person is allowed. Both states prohibit public use. Is it morally acceptable for marijuana to be legalized as a recreational drug? After exploring my own experiences, the possible pros and cons of legalization, and the social contract, utilitarian, and the ethics of care theories, I do not think it is morally acceptable. My personal opinion about the legalization of marijuana is that it should not be legal. While I have seen both negative and positi ve effects of marijuana use, it has affected me and my family in a negative way.I am aware that it can be used recreationally and have no affects. I also know that it can be addictive and have negative effects, both physically and mentally, when used on a regular basis. It is my personal opinion that the negative effects associated with marijuana outweigh the positives. I believe that if something has the potential to do harm to those who chose not to partake, it shouldn’t be legalized. I don’t believe that we should take the stand that because it is less harmful than alcohol, it should be legal.I believe that marijuana is dangerous, especially to today’s youth who use marijuana without considering the consequences. It is my fear that legalization could send the message to youth that it is acceptable to use marijuana as a coping mechanism. I do not want my children to be tempted to use a drug as a crutch, to relax or temporarily solve their problems. There are s everal reasonable arguments for legalization of marijuana. They are based on the idea that attempting to control its use causes more problems than it solves. The argument seems to be, that it isn’t going away so we may as well benefit from it.It is projected that by legalizing marijuana we could reduce the strain on our justice system, drastically cutting crime and possibly eliminating drug trafficking of marijuana. The production and sales of marijuana, by the government would save lives, create jobs and generate money that could be used for social progression, education, and healthcare which would in turn better the lives of everyone in society. Laws against use for those under 21 will prevent youth from obtaining the drug. I feel that benefitting from anything that is already illegal and proven to be a problem is immoral.Since we cannot guarantee that society will benefit from legalizing marijuana, it should not be legal. Age restrictions do not prevent youth from obtainin g alcohol; therefor I do not believe age restrictions on pot will deter them either. It is important that we use what we know about alcohol abuse as a whole, rather than use it as an excuse, due to the fact that it is perceived as more harmful, to legalize marijuana. Other arguments for legalization are based on free will and respect for autonomy. The belief is that, we all have the right to make choices for ourselves, using our own rational thought.If we are the only person who knows our needs, we can be the only person that can decide what is best for us. Marijuana users take the stand that,† If we are in our own homes, using marijuana, who are we harming? † I respect an individual’s right to choose as rational beings, unfortunately, not everyone is rational. Laws are put in place to protect us and benefit us as a society. Children suffer when parents use drugs in their presence. When children are under the care of a parent who is under the influence of a drug, their safety is sometimes being compromised.A few examples could be, a parent choosing to use money to buy marijuana instead of food or clothing, an inability to drive in an emergency situation and lack of focus and reasoning. I am not saying that pot use automatically makes a parent neglectful. I know several daily users who seem to be acceptable parents, even while under the influence. Yet I ask myself, could they be better parents? When a parent uses marijuana or any drug, legal or not, in the presence of their children, it sends the message that it is ok. Legalizing the drug will cause more parents to use in front of their children.I believe this will cause more children to use. Arguments against the legalization of marijuana tend to weigh heavily on the slippery slope argument, that any softening of the laws as they pertain to drugs will cause a bigger problem. It is anticipated by The Office of National Drug Control Policy that legalizing marijuana will increase use of the dru g and, consequently, the harm it causes, thus adding to the burden on the criminal justice system. They also report that legalizing the drug will make it less expensive and more attainable to youth.Because it is illegal in most countries, we have far less clinical evidence about pot’s effects than many other drugs. The only authorized source of marijuana research comes from the University of Mississippi and is controlled by the National Institute of Drug Abuse, they report that use of marijuana impairs memory in regular users, especially in youth. It impairs driving, inhibits productivity, causes depression, and can be addictive. It is also thought that those predisposed to addiction, will have an easier time obtaining and using the drug as a possible gateway drug.These are problems we face while it is not legal, if legalization will increase usage, these will become a more widespread problem. Utilitarianism states that we ought to choose the action which is the one that maxi mizes the overall â€Å"good† of the greatest number of individuals. The problem of drug use, from the utilitarian perspective, rests on the consequences of using the drug and whether or not it will benefit the majority of the population, now and in the future. In order for us to say that it is morally bad, we need to prove that the consequences in legalizing marijuana will be bad.The problem is, we cannot definitively say what the consequences will be. But, we can use what we learn from other areas that have or are in the process of regulating pot for recreational use. Studies done by the Drug Free America Foundation, report that based on experiences where marijuana has been legalized, the number of marijuana users tend to double or triple. This could mean an additional 17 to 34 million young and adult users in the United States. Recently, Here and Now, a talk show on local public radio in Colorado, had guest Dr. Christian Thurston, medical director for an adolescence substa nce abuse treatment program in Denver.He stated, â€Å"Young patients seeking addiction treatment for marijuana tell me that pot helps them with their anger, ADHD and that it helps them to sleep. † Thurston also said, â€Å"While marijuana can have medicinal value for adults, it can be very harmful to teens. † He also states that, â€Å"We’ve seen, starting in the late 1980s, that adolescents exposed to marijuana have about a two to four-fold increase of developing psychosis. We have good evidence now that adolescence exposure to marijuana affects intelligence, cognition, learning and memory. † Jann Gumbiner, Ph. D. licensed psychologist at the University of California, Irvine College of Medicine, who specializes in adolescent and child psychology reports, â€Å"About 10% of users will develop problems that impair their work and relationships. Many more will come to depend on pot for relaxation and social purposes. This will be problematic if they donâ⠂¬â„¢t learn more effective coping mechanisms and come to rely on marijuana instead of solving their problems. † It is my fear that legalization could send the message to youth that it is acceptable to use marijuana as a coping mechanism.Since we know teens are likely to suffer long term affects, and that legalization will cause more teens to use the drug, we are likely to see serious negative effects that could greatly impact society in the future. Social Contract theory also plays a big role in legalization of marijuana. Social Contract theory is based on the set of rules governing behavior that all rational people accept, on the condition that others accept the rules as well. What the majority of society feels and believes plays a very big role in our lawmaking process. Lawmakers tend to go with what their constituents want, in order to get votes.In the past society has placed a negative stigma on marijuana use, making it hard for those rallying for legalization to be heard . Recent statistics show society’s view on marijuana is changing. A Gallop Poll recently found that 50% of Americans think marijuana should be legal for adult use. This percentage is up by 4% from the previous year. This is in large part due to the fact that our younger generation is more supportive, while opposition generally comes from the older generation. It makes sense that as the older generation leaves, the younger generation’s opinion will be the majority.As popular opinion changes, it makes sense that we will be likely to see more states attempt to legalize marijuana. It is troublesome to me that information about marijuana is usually either directly for or against the drug. Internet articles are almost always directly for or against legalization. It is very hard to get unbiased facts. It is my concern that people, especially impressionable youth, aren’t getting the facts and are using how they feel as a basis for their opinion on marijuana. These youth , will soon decide what laws will govern society. The minimum conception of morality says we ought to at he very least, do what are the best reasons for doing while giving equal weight to the interests of each individual affected by our decision. I do not believe we should make something that is illegal, legal based on the idea that we might be able to control it even possibly benefit from it. We cannot say what the consequences will be. This is the major defect of the utilitarian theory of ethics. It does not take in to consideration that often times we cannot project the outcome of moral decisions. We cannot guarantee that the majority of society will benefit from legalization of recreational marijuana.There are too many questions involved. Could it make dealers even more competitive? Are there unforeseen costs that will take away from the suspected benefits? Will current dealers stop growing and selling? What will the effect on society be, given that legalization will most likely cause usage to greatly increase? If we don’t know the answers to such serious issues, we shouldn’t act. It is important that we use past experiences as examples. It is proven that history can be a valuable tool when attempting to predict an outcome of a hypothetical act.It is my hope that we learn what is best, by using what we learn from the areas that have legalized pot. I am aware that my personal perspective has a lot to do with having children and my sense to protect them from all things negative, taking the ethics of care position. Carol Gilligan, internationally acclaimed writer, psychologist, American feminist and ethicist, believes a woman’s basic moral orientation is one of caring, in a personal way, not just being concerned for humanity, in general. She believes that an ethic of caring for those close to you should not be inferior to that of an ethic of principle.I tend to agree; if we want for everyone, what we want for those we love and care for wo n’t the world be a better place? In summary I believe, based on what we do not know about the effects of legalizing marijuana, we should not legalize it. To say the problem isn’t going way so we may as well legalize it and benefit, is irresponsible. There is a trend showing increased usage with legalization. We aren’t able to predict the affect that increased usage will have on society. If we are to use alcohol as a guide at all, it should be as an example of what legalizing harmful substances can do to society.It is anticipated that legalizing marijuana will entice youth even more, causing future issues. While marijuana use will always be a problem in youth, I believe educating youth with factual information about marijuana will help them make better choices and allow us to have laws that will most benefit society in the future. As Walt Disney quoted, â€Å"Our greatest natural resource is the minds of our children†. Work Sited â€Å"187,000 Lb. of Mari juana Annually? Legal Pot Business to Bloom in Washington. †Ã‚  Business Money 187000 Lb of Marijuana Annually Legal Pot Business to Bloom in Washington Comments.N. p. , 08 Jan. 2013. Web. 15 Apr. 2013. Braunstein, M. D. , Glenn D. â€Å"Weeding Through Marijuana Facts and Fiction. †Ã‚  The Huffington Post. TheHuffingtonPost. com, 01 Feb. 2013. 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